Yana Paskova - Photojournalist, Writer, Photo Editor

Visual Project Management | Grant Work: Democracy + Communism: 2. Cuba: Communism Relived

I gained additional funding for the second part of this project through the Pulitzer Center, secured interview sources and complementary visuals, completed its post-processing editing, and published it in The New Yorker and in The New York Times. 

- Cuba: Communism Relived 

Most Americans who visit Cuba recall a time machine moment: their grandfather’s Chevy, showgirls at the Tropicana, or the absent reach of email. My version of time travel included a Lada and a red scarf—two symbols of my childhood in Bulgaria, a communist nation that turned to democracy after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. 

Last year’s anniversary of this event—which had allowed my family to immigrate to the Western world 25 years ago—prompted me to examine how the idealized versions of Democracy and Communism had impacted my country alike. And a stronger urge followed: to explore places of kindred circumstances, with Cuba as a natural choice. The recent warming of Cuban-American relations fascinated me because this led to speculation on how much longer Communism would last on the island.  

During my visit, I observed life in Cuba as only a native of the Soviet Bloc could—struck by the decorum of Communism, the appearance of choice that belied government involvement in nearly every aspect of daily life. Cubans can vote, although only for one-party delegates in a unicameral parliament. Some private entrepreneurship is allowed, but severely restricted by a lack of advertising and steep taxes on business expansion. Artists toe the line of self-expression, knowing that if they cross it with any unsanitized viewpoint, they risk losing support from state-run galleries. Rallies, voting, and party activities from youth to old age are not officially described as mandatory, but if omitted, are nearly always reason for social and professional punishment. Committees for the Defense of the Revolution peppering every neighborhood promote community projects, yet also alert the government of dissident activities—a definition distilled down to any disagreement with current policy. Heavy-handed government control means relative safety on the streets, but not from itself, as that is often delivered with a chokehold on artistic expression, travel, economic independence, and certainly any measure of criticism against its own ruling practices.  

And yet, my project is not about political alignment: in both theory and practice, there are extreme pros and extreme cons to Capitalism, as there are to Communism. This is simply a childhood relived, and my future reimagined had democracy been just a whispered-about but never-seen guest. I saw myself in the child in a red scarf saluting voters, my mind too young for politics, simply eager to belong. Memories of my grandfather, who was forced to cede five youthful years to a Stalinist gulag after failing to show "proper" enthusiasm for a party he'd seen threaten, imprison and murder for the sake of dementing a utopian ideal, flickered through my mind while watching the Cuban Ladies in White, who still protest their loved ones' political imprisonment, despite regular beatings and detentions. One too many a family shared the familiar pain of separation via necessity—and not via innate desire—for emigration. 

These striking parallels are what a life straddling both Communism and Democracy had fine-tuned me to receive and record. Those who are bound by Cuba’s borders do not often have this luxury. 

Like the rest of the world, I am captivated by Cuba’s future—both as a Bulgarian and as an American. Will the country’s borders open, releasing curious souls but thinning its population, as in the Eastern bloc? Is the promise of two nations as trade partners just 100 miles apart enough to end a destructive half-century-old embargo? Would an attitude of incentive, and not of disincentive, spotlight both what’s changing—and what isn’t? 

 

 

  • A sign reading {quote}26th of July - Victory of Ideas{quote}, is seen in the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Jose Alonzo, sporting a USA tattoo, waters the plants in front of his house in the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Women drink fresh fruit juice from a snack shop in the center of the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • A girl takes orders in a late-night pizza joint, playing mostly American music from the 1980s and 1990s, in the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Yasiel Valdivia waits for a bus with his brother, Michael Denis Fonteto (not seen,) in the port city of Mariel, on the way to visit their mother and grandmother a nearby village. Yasiel and Michael's uncle was amongst those who fled toward Florida in the Mariel Boatlift exodus of 1980. The brothers say he has not since regained permission to return, separating him from his sister (their mother) and his 93-year-old mother, for 35 years. Mariel is a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • (L-R) Michael Denis Fonteto, his mother, Raizel Fonte Muñoz, grandmother Aida Muñoz, and brother, Yasiel Valdivia, spend time together in a village close to the port city of Mariel, Cuba. Yasiel and Michael's uncle was amongst those who fled toward Florida in the Mariel Boatlift exodus of 1980. The brothers say he has not since regained permission to return, separating him from his sister (their mother) and his 93-year-old mother, for 35 years. Mariel is a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Traffic moves through the center of the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • An everyday scene in the city park of the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • (L-R) Melani Conpagine, 13, holds her brother Mauro Peña, 1, next to the wife of a relative, Nancy Mena, 48, as she gives her father, Juaneto Mena, 82, a shave in the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • A bakery features a portrait of current president of Cuba Raúl Castro in the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • A pro-government poster and a newspaper biography of former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, with whom Cuba shares a trade relationship and a distaste for American capitalism the port city of Mariel, Cuba, a town whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Women practice Chen-style t'ai chi ch'uan under a fresco of Cuban revolutionary philosopher and political theorist José Martí and communist revolutionary leader Che Guevara in Mariel, Cuba. Images of government idols - a famously ubiquitous sight across Cuba - fill the space that an absence of advertising leaves in printed media, billboards, and edifices.
  • (L-R) Yandi Corrioso Samoraz, 22, and Raymel Medina, 16, go for an evening dip in the water, with construction of the new port visible in the background, in Mariel, Cuba. Raymel says he'd like to learn more about the world, but extremely limited internet access in his city, and in the country in general, makes this a challenge. (Internet access is either difficult to find, or prohibitively expensive.) Mariel's tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Raymel Medina, 16, (center,) relaxes with friends after an evening dip in the water in the port city of Mariel, Cuba. He says he'd like to learn more about the world, but extremely limited internet access in his city, and in the country in general, makes this a challenge. Internet in Cuba is either difficult to find, or prohibitively expensive. Travel outside of the island is also forbidden to most, except to those whose jobs allows it, or have a government connection.
  • A bus transports its passengers to Mariel, a port city whose tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. Here is where the Russian navy unloaded its nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, as well as the site of the famous Mariel Boatlift of 1980, when 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled the island during a 6-month lift on travel restrictions to the U.S.Now, Mariel's largest development project in history - a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone - aims to attract foreign investment, especially that of the U.S. A critical ingredient for its success will be the status of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years, but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • Apartment blocks with a crumbling infrastructure are seen in the provinces on the way to the port city of Mariel, Cuba, on April 19, 2015. Statistics label 7 out of every 10 Cuban houses in need of major repairs, with the province surrounding the capital requiring approximately 300,000 more inhabitable properties.Mariel's tranquil appearance belies its important place in both the history and future of Cuban-American interaction. It is where Russians unloaded nuclear warheads in the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the gateway through which 125,000 Miami-bound emigres fled during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980. The town is now the site of construction of a deepwater container port and a free-trade zone, a critical ingredient for which will be the future of the U.S. embargo against Cuba, in place for more than 50 years but now under speculation of being lifted.
  • A woman waits her turn at a bodega in Havana, Cuba, near a photo of former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, with whom Cuba used to share a trade relationship and a distaste for American capitalism. Bodegas provide food rations - basics like rice, flour, sugar and beans, that exclude green veggies, most meat, spices or dairy (which is restricted to all but children and pregnant women) - to each Cuban citizen via the Libreta de Abastecimiento (supplies booklet,) which establishes the kind, amount and frequency of food allotted per person. The rations, which supply approximately 1/3 of Cubans' food requirements, have been kept at stable, subsidized prices since the program's inception in 1962 - as food can otherwise be forbiddingly expensive, and even at bodegas, hard to come by. This is due to a combination of inefficient farming policies, the U.S. embargo (in place since the 60s,) and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 90s (which until then had filled the U.S.-Cuba trade vacuum with subsidies.) Food shortages, while common today, were especially sharp then, both in Bulgaria and Cuba, as the two countries tried to adjust to a non-Soviet-sponsored economy.
  • Looking into a private barber shop in the Havana Vieja neighborhood of Havana, Cuba. Since privatization was first allowed within Cuba's state-owned socialist system in the mid-70s, the requirements for those allowed to be cuentapropistas (small business entrepreneurs - whose practice wasn't allowed in Bulgaria and most of Eastern Europe until the collapse of communism) have fluctuated from restrictive to less so - the latter in the Raúl Castro era of 2008 and beyond. But a clear disincentive to private business expansion remains: if payroll surpasses 5 employees or a $2,000 yearly profit, taxes increase disproportionately (from 15% to 50% in case of the latter.)
  • A list of available products hangs outside of a bodega (convenience store) in Havana, Cuba. Bodegas provide food rations - basics like rice, flour, sugar and beans, that exclude green veggies, most meat, spices or dairy (which is restricted to all but children and pregnant women) - to each Cuban citizen via the Libreta de Abastecimiento (supplies booklet,) which establishes the kind, amount and frequency of food allotted per person. The rations, which supply approximately 1/3 of Cubans' food requirements, have been kept at stable, subsidized prices since the program's inception in 1962 - as food can otherwise be forbiddingly expensive, and even at bodegas, hard to come by. This is due to a combination of inefficient farming policies, the U.S. embargo (in place since the 60s,) and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 90s (which until then had filled the U.S.-Cuba trade vacuum with subsidies.) Food shortages, while common today, were especially sharp then, both in Bulgaria and Cuba, as the two countries tried to adjust to a non-Soviet-sponsored economy.
  • Maydelin Pérez Pérez, 38, sells empanadas with her three-year-old daughter, Lorena Sofia Reyez, in the Havana Vieja neighborhood of Havana, Cuba. Pérez is divorced, cannot afford daycare for her four children, and says her ex-husband contributes the equivalent to $1 of child support monthly. She earned less at her government job as a secretary than she does now, as one of Cuba's cuentapropistas (small business entrepreneurs, whose practice wasn't allowed in Bulgaria and most of Eastern Europe until the collapse of communism.) Since privatization was first allowed within Cuba's state-owned socialist system in the mid-70s, the requirements for those allowed to be cuentapropistas have fluctuated from restrictive to less so - the latter in the Raúl Castro era of 2008 and beyond. But a clear disincentive to private business expansion remains, however: if payroll surpasses 5 employees or a $2,000 yearly profit, taxes increase disproportionately (from 15% to 50% in case of the latter.)
  • (L-R) Yosuan Gonzalez, 15, Lazaro Gutierrez, 16, Lorenzo Velasquez, 13, Noel Sandoval, 19, and a friend who preferred to remain unnamed (right, in blue,) chat with Emily Chanti, 4, and Yeseña Kagemusa, 6, on April 17, 2015 in Havana, Cuba.
  • A little girl plays hide and seek with a friend in front of apartment blocks with a crumbling infrastructure in the Vedado neighborhood of Havana, Cuba, on April 16, 2015. Statistics label 7 out of every 10 Cuban houses in need of major repairs, with the province surrounding the capital requiring approximately 300,000 more inhabitable properties.
  • (L-R) Daniel Alemán, 20, a model, and his girlfriend, Kaisa Garcia, 21, a dancer, enjoy each other's company before a Buena Fe concert at Mella theater in Havana, Cuba, on April 16, 2015. Their moments of privacy are rare; like many people their age, they will likely continue to live with their parents for many years before being able to afford living in a place of their own. Garcia wants to remain a dancer but does not think she can, on what she anticipates to be extremely low pay. {quote}If you can forget  about the economy, the safety here is nice,{quote} she says. {quote}I just try to create a bubble in my mind away from anything that doesn't work in the country, and I am happy.{quote}
  • A chicken is groomed, and its nails sharpened and augmented with a long, sharp nail made of a turtle shell, before a cock-fighting event at a sports arena on April 18, 2015 in Managua, Cuba. Cock-fighting in Cuba is in the gray area of legal - state-run events such as this (non-private) functions are permitted, but not monetary betting. This is in part due to lingering bitterness over the control U.S. mafia used to exercise over casinos and prostitution in pre-revolutionary Cuba, the income from which allowed crime lords a certain level of interference in the country's political matters.
  • A man prepares whole grilled chicken for sale transported in the trunk of his Moskvitch, an automobile made by Russia from 1946 to 2002, before a cock-fighting event at a sports arena on April 18, 2015 in Managua, Cuba. Cock-fighting in Cuba is in the gray area of legal - state-run events such as this (non-private) functions are permitted, but not monetary betting. This is in part due to lingering bitterness over the control U.S. mafia used to exercise over casinos and prostitution in pre-revolutionary Cuba, the income from which allowed crime lords a certain level of interference in the country's political matters.
  • A chicken's beak is tied shut to prevent premature pecking before a cock-fighting event at a sports arena on April 18, 2015 in Managua, Cuba. Cock-fighting in Cuba is in the gray area of legal - state-run events such as this (non-private) functions are permitted, but not monetary betting. This is in part due to lingering bitterness over the control U.S. mafia used to exercise over casinos and prostitution in pre-revolutionary Cuba, the income from which allowed crime lords a certain level of interference in the country's political matters.
  • A participant in a march organized by the wives and female relatives of imprisoned political dissidents rests by a tree in Havana, Cuba. The opposition group, Damas de Blanco (Ladies in White,) attends Mass at Santa Rita church each Sunday, then marches around it clad in white, as a symbol of peace. Most complain of regular beatings and detainment - with one of the largest reported (75 of the group's members) in 2011 and 2012. In Catholic countries, Saint Rita is known as the patroness of impossible causes, or heartbroken women.
  • Retiree Lucilla Sulueta Cuesta, 66, gets her nails done by Liu Sanchez, 24, (not seen,) who works as a manicurist cuentaproprista (private business entrepreneur, whose practice wasn't allowed in Bulgaria and most of Eastern Europe until the collapse of communism,) in the Havana Vieja neighborhood of Havana, Cuba.   Since privatization was first allowed within Cuba's state-owned socialist system in the mid-70s, the requirements for those allowed to be cuentapropistas have fluctuated from restrictive to less so - the latter in the Raúl Castro era of 2008 and beyond. But a clear disincentive to private business expansion remains: if payroll surpasses 5 employees or a $2,000 yearly profit, taxes increase disproportionately (from 15% to 50% in case of the latter.)
  • A room full of dancers mingle to the sounds of DJ Mike Polarni following a concert at Fabrica de Arte, in the Vedado neighborhood of Havana, Cuba. Fabrica de Arte, which opened in 2014 with the backing of the Ministry of Culture, is an industrial factory turned performance space where established and unknown musicians, painters, photographers, and playwrights alike show their work.
  • A young student wearing the uniform of communist youth rests in front of an office for the CDR (Comité de Defensa de la Revolución, or Committee for the Defense of the Revolution,) which is a network of neighborhood watch organizations reporting on any {quote}counter-revolutionary{quote} or anti-communist activity, in Havana, Cuba. My grandfather spent 5 years of his youth in a labor camp for political dissidents after one such neighborhood watch organization noted his lack of participation in the communist party - thus labeling him a person of conflict with the government of Bulgaria.  Elementary schoolchildren wear pañoletas, or scarves as part of the uniform of the José Martí Pioneer Organization for children operated by the communist party - that is quite similar to a communist youth organization in which I had to partake as a young Bulgarian student - blue or red in color depending on their age, and switch to yellow and white uniforms in adolescence.
  • Children wearing the uniform of communist youth are directed to salute {quote}Votó!{quote} ({quote}S/he voted!{quote}) as a woman places her ballot in Cuba's Elecciones Parciales (Partial Elections) to elect delegates to the Municipal Assemblies of People’s Power, the country's unicameral parliament, on April 19, 2015 in Havana, Cuba. The delegates function as district representatives for a 2.5 year term.Little Pioneers - members of the José Martí Pioneer Organization for children operated by the communist party - are often sent by polling station presidents to people's homes as a means to motivate citizens to the polls. (Voting is not mandatory, but frowned upon if not exercised.) Kids usually enter the organization in elementary school, wearing blue or red scarves - or pañoletas - to indicate the student's level, and continue until adolescence, switching to yellow and white uniforms in high school.
  • A student clad in the uniform of communist youth practices a salute given to voters as they place their ballots in Cuba's Elecciones Parciales (Partial Elections) to elect delegates from the country's single party to its unicameral parliament, this April in Havana, Cuba. Members of the José Martí Pioneer Organization for children operated by the communist party - that is quite similar to a communist youth organization in which I had to partake as a young Bulgarian student - are often sent to people's homes as a means to motivate citizens to vote. Voting is not mandatory, but heavily frowned upon if not exercised.Elementary schoolchildren wear pañoletas, or scarves as part of the organization's uniform - blue or red in color depending on their age, and switch to yellow and white uniforms in adolescence.
  • A portrait of José Martí - Cuban poet, journalist, revolutionary philosopher, and political theorist - hangs at a polling station as voters place their ballots in Cuba's Elecciones Parciales (Partial Elections) to elect delegates to the Municipal Assemblies of People’s Power, the country's unicameral parliament, on April 19, 2015 in Havana, Cuba. The delegates function as district representatives for a 2.5 year term, communicating complaints and new guidelines between the electorate the Assembly. Voting is not mandatory, but frowned upon if not exercised.
  • Art during the Communist years in Eastern Europe was highly sanitized - and artists who chose not to show a utopian view of the country, censored and punished. Artists in state-run Cuba as well have felt pressure to sanitize political issues and any difficulties the Cuban people may face, or omit them altogether. While the more open era of Raúl Castro has made it easier to toe the line in these areas of self-expression, artists who cross it altogether risk losing the support of government-controlled galleries that display their works.Here, Artist Arístides Hernández discusses his painting, which depicts possible bidirectional paranoia resulting from the future melding of Cuban and American culture - the former represented by the Lilliputians, and the latter, by Gulliver, both from the novel Gulliver's Travels - in his artist studio in Havana, Cuba.
  • (L-R) Artists Angel León, 24, and Victor Manuel Ojeda, 24, work on nuancing a painting done by painter Eduardo Abela, 52, in Havana, Cuba, that satirically references the cult of action heroes by replacing religious figures with Western cartoon characters in copies of theological paintings. Art during the Communist years in Eastern Europe was highly sanitized - and artists who chose not to show a utopian view of the country, censored and punished. Artists in state-run Cuba as well have felt pressure to sanitize political issues and any difficulties the Cuban people may face, or omit them altogether. While the more open era of Raúl Castro has made it easier to toe the line in these areas of self-expression, artists who cross it altogether risk losing the support of government-controlled galleries that display their works.
  • Tourists walk by graffiti of the American cartoon character Wile E. Coyote and his speech bubble {quote}Nuestro Futuro (Our Future,){quote} running by a cactus shaped to read {quote}One Up King Size,{quote} in the Havana Vieja neighborhood of Havana, Cuba. It is said to reflect the fear that a further thawing of U.S.-Cuban relations will permanently alter the cultural and economic make-up of the island. In the cartoons, Coyote repeatedly and unsuccessfully attempts to catch a fast-running ground bird, The Road Runner, his plans for capture always backfiring in injury.
  • I grew up in a world almost completely clean of advertisement. It was unnecessary in pre-1989 Bulgaria: private enterprise was forbidden, eliminating retailer and manufacturer competition on production of a very limited supply of goods, that few people could afford anyway. Although entrepreneurship exists both legally and illegally on the vast government-owned landscape of Cuba, payroll taxes that increase disproportionately with the rise of annual profit discourage its expansion. Propaganda fills the space that consumerism leaves on this Havana street (a famously ubiquitous sight across the nation.) A sign for the Young Communist League (Unión de Jóvenes Comunistas,) reading {quote}Everything for the Revolution,{quote} stretches across a billboard next to the organization's motto {quote}Estudio, Trabajo, Fusil{quote} ({quote}Study, Work, Rifle,{quote}) and the likes of Cuban revolutionaries Julio Antonio Mella, Che Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos. While the organization's membership is voluntary (and selective - based on a clean record of pro-government views,) it is highly encouraged for social and professional success.
  • People wait for a bus to arrive near a sign for the upcoming 1st of May Labor Day March in Havana, Cuba. In Cuba, the day known as Día del Trabajo is a call for people to show support to their socialist government and the Cuban Revolution. Guests worldwide are known to join. While attendance is not mandatory, absence from the march is usually noted and discouraged. I recall the communist years Labor Day marches of Bulgaria quite well: much like in the Cuba of today, groups of people huddled with their co-workers in the early a.m hours, attendance to be accounted for by their boss - or face social, and often professional, retribution.
  • Turkish participants march during the 1st of May Labor Day March in Havana, Cuba, on May 01, 2015. In Cuba, the day known as Día del Trabajo is a call for people to march in the streets in show of support to their local socialist government and the Cuban Revolution. Guests from many countries and social organizations worldwide are known to join the march. Participants have noted that while attendance is not mandatory, absence from the march is usually noticed and discouraged.
  • A man marching during during the 1st of May Labor Day March in Havana, Cuba, holds onto the Cuban flag on May 01, 2015. In Cuba, the day known as Día del Trabajo is a call for people to march in the streets in show of support to their local socialist government and the Cuban Revolution. Guests from many countries and social organizations worldwide are known to join the march. Participants have noted that while attendance is not mandatory, absence from the march is usually noticed and discouraged.
  • (L-R) Participants in the 1st of May Labor Day parade march in Havana, Cuba, hold signs of German Communist revolutionary Friedrich Engels, Russian Communist leader Vladimir Lenin and German Communist revolutionary Karl Marx. In Cuba, the day known as Día del Trabajo is a call for people to show support to their socialist government and the Cuban Revolution. Guests worldwide are known to join. While attendance is not mandatory, absence from the march is usually noted and discouraged. I recall the communist years Labor Day marches of Bulgaria quite well: much like in the Cuba of today, groups of people huddled with their co-workers in the early a.m hours, attendance to be accounted for by their boss - or face social, and often professional, retribution.
  • People march by a sign saying, {quote}The embargo: the longest genocide in history,{quote} during the 1st of May Labor Day March - a call for people to march in support of their local socialist government and the Cuban Revolution - in Havana, Cuba, on May 01, 2015. The commercial, financial and economic embargo enforced by the United States against Cuba went into effect in 1960, nearly two years after the deposition of the Fulgencio Batista dictatorship by the Cuban Revolution, and just after Cuba nationalized American-owned Cuban properties without remuneration to the States. The embargo at first did not apply to food and medicine, but was quickly broadened to nearly all U.S. exports. Proponents of the embargo cite repeated human rights violations in the country and the appropriated property as reasons to uphold it. Critics define the embargo as too harsh; the UN General Assembly has passed a resolution each year since 1992 criticizing its ongoing impact, citing it to be in violation of the Charter of the UN and international law. In December of 2014, U.S. President Barack Obama signaled an openness in thawing of U.S.-Cuban relations, which started with diplomatic talks and transitioned to the removal of Cuba from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism in May of this year.
  • INTRO
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